Summary
Journalism between Politics, Propaganda and Prison
This year’s M100 Young European Journalists Workshop gathered together 23 young journalists aged between 18 and 26 in Potsdam. In an intensive six-day workshop they examined the use of propaganda instruments and the manipulation and intimidation of journalists, as well as the effects on the reputation of the media, on the population at large, and on the relationships between the countries. The participants came from the countries of the Eastern Partnership: Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Belarus, Armenia and Azerbaijan.
The goal was to teach participants how propaganda works and what its objectives are, how it can be recognised, how to verify information (including within social networks), and how journalists can defend themselves against propaganda and manipulation by governments and lobbyists. The participants shared their own experiences on propaganda. They discussed common threats and influences on their own work. They also analyzed the way that propaganda functions and is deployed in their own countries. The workshop has been taught by the political scientist, journalist and Co-Director of the Institute for Media and Communications Policy, Dr. Leonard Novy, and the journalist, author and award winning filmmaker Christian Stahl.
1. The road ahead
After a welcome dinner on Saturday, September 12, the participants started the first day on Sunday at the Media Innovation Centre MIZ in Potsdam-Babelsberg with a brief introduction round, followed
by an overview of the week. The aim of the morning was to figure out the dimensions of propaganda by using “Agree or Disagree”, a game to summarise and point out key aspects: journalistic objectivity as an idealistic concept, collision of corporate interests and propaganda in the media (especially in state-owned media), facts and their interpretation, evaluation of the fact, journalism as a business and an art of persuasion, selective journalism as a means of propaganda etc.
In order to differentiate journalism from propaganda it is necessary to listen actively in interviews. Before the interview practice, the group was given exercises to feel more relaxed in front of the camera. The task of the following interview training was to start with one interview question and develop four further questions by listening to the interviewee and react to what was said. Conclusion of the first day and yet an outlook on the days to come was that it is essential to find a workable definition of propaganda to answer the questions:
● Where are we at the moment on an international scale?
● What is the relation of Western democracies and propaganda?
● Which are possible shapes of propaganda?
2. Shapes, role and relevance of propaganda
The aim of the second day was to define different shapes and relevancies of propaganda and to define its role in the Western media. Key questions were named: What do we know about propaganda? How does it work? Which technique was used by the Nazis and what has changed nowadays? To initiate a discussion the trainers started with a short video about propaganda in Nazi Germany by propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels . Then the “Erdogan Spot” of Turkey's prime minister was shown to illustrate an example in the field of digital propaganda and the manipulation in the age of communicative abundance.. The participants were invited to express their own opinion about different interpretations of propaganda and public relations definitions. The goal was to differentiate PR and propaganda, two subjects which both are closely related to communication. Divided in groups, the students had to find out the characteristics, similarities and differences of propaganda and PR, how they are related to each other, what difficulties journalists face in a relationship with PR managers, and why and if PR is actually needed.
The freedom of press report of “Reporters without Borders” served as an example to discuss the state of media freedom all over the world and to define factors that limit freedom of press:
● governments
● terror organizations
● criminal gangs
● drug mafia
The students discussed democracy value systems on the examples of different countries to also shine a light on propaganda of Western countries.
A second group talked about the relevance of propaganda and asked: is there really nothing to worry about in Western democracies? The group presented examples of how boulevard media covered the Greece crisis news, how Italian media covered the Greek crisis and how in comparison boulevard magazine BILD covers the Greek crisis.
Also it was discussed how the European media covers news of the recent refugee crisis. The attack on Charlie Hebdo served as an example to ask “who used Charlie Hebdo as a tool for propaganda?”
The third group has provided a presentation about shapes of propaganda presenting examples from their own countries.
● Georgia and the case of the Fake TV programme “Qronika” on Imedi TV
● Examples of Russian propaganda in Ukraine (videos)
● Selective/one sided reporting
● Examples of Russian propaganda (video examples)
After the end of the presentations, Armenian participant Aharon Hayrapetyan showed a video, which he especially developed for the workshop. The video shows propaganda examples on the Electronic Maidan and Kremlin, in Ukraine and in Western media and achieved wide appreciation among the class.
The last part of the packed day was dedicated to questioning “the truth” with an interview training by Christian Stahl, who explained how to prepare for an interview and the importance of body language. As an example of a critical interview, Jeremy Paxman’s interview with Bill Gates in the News Night was shown, followed by a discussion.
3. Excursion to Berlin
Inside Google's holy halls 
Dr. Ralf Bremer, Google’s spokesperson and political PR manager, welcomed the participants at the Google Office in Berlin. Bremer told them Google’s mission was "to organize the world's information and make it universally accessible and useful" (Larry Page & Sergey Brin, 1998). He discussed how Google works, the research and education programme “Digital News Initiative” and answered the questions of the participants. The students gathered snapshots into the internal life of the company, its policy, projects and perspectives to explore the premises, and, last but not least, try special Google treats (cookies, ice cream and chocolate).
Axel Springer Academy
Rudolf Porsch, managing director of the Axel Springer Akademy, provided an insight about their working methods and values.
He explained new media tools of Axel Springer publishing house, introduced in order to adapt to global high-tech world. He called it “multichannel strategy”, explaining how to tailor content via trial and error on the example of BILD. Porsch was not afraid to admit that BILD deliberately uses provocative headlines, critical notions and bright pictures. He motivated it by “trying to be close to the truth and maintain pluralistic democracy and provoking debates”, though the main reason, sounding within the context, is “we need to sell well and earn money”. 
Leon Engländer, Die Welt columnist and referent of the editor-in-chief, describes his edition as kind of an opposition for BILD - “classic, traditional, quality journalism”. In 2003 Die Welt was the first German newspaper, which published articles online first, whenever ready. Still Die Welt doesn’t draw a line between online journalists and “classic” ones - everybody is regarded as equally professional. Key question for them, says Engländer, is “what will still be interesting tomorrow morning?”. Furthermore, the students learned some good strategies on how to make their own media content work better online.
Afterwards, an open discussion with Anna Honcharyk from the Ukrainian Crisis Media Center and the trainees of Axel Springer followed. The very constructive discussion on propaganda and how to manage the crisis, created some serious debates subsequently, specifically confronting the Russian versus Ukrainian propaganda, a topic which always creates anxiety.
4. Practice day: what do boxing and propaganda have in common?
On Wednesday the trainers started with an unusual task: he invited the participants to take part in a boxing fight with him. The important take-away from this sporty activity is that similar to boxing, a good journalists anticipates, interacts and listens. The right technique is crucial. Propaganda only uses strengths but as in boxing, strength only is not yet a winning factor.
The second part consisted in developing strategies for a good interview, since some of the students were going to interview some of the M100 Sanssouci Colloquiums participants. The training covered the most important aspects regarding information goals, Three-Act-Scheme, conflict and turning points, narrative instruments and construction. Exercises in groups were used to deepen theoretic aspects. The day concluded with the task to shoot a short propaganda movie to apply the new gained knowledge.
5. M100 Sanssouci Colloquium
On the 5th day the young journalists took part at the M100 Sanssouci Colloquium. The international forum brings together (mainly) Europe`s top editors, commentators and media owners (print, broadcasting and internet) alongside key public figures to assess the role and impact of the media in international affairs and to promote democracy and freedom of expression and speech. As a modern-day East-West bridge-builder, the Colloquium fosters media relations and not only exposes differences but also common ground in the challenges faced by media from different cultures and regions.



Against the background of the 70th anniversary of Potsdam Agreement, the 50 top-class participants discussed the current situation in Europe in three sessions.
The goal of the M100 Sanssouci Colloquium is to create a constructive, intersectoral dialogue between representatives of politics, the media, journalism, relevant organisations and Internet companies on the heritage of the Potsdam Agreement and the prospects for a liberal democratic Europe in an increasingly blurred world order.
The young journalists were involved in the conference by interviewing participants during the breaks, getting in touch with and talk to them.
In the evening, German Foreign Minister Dr. Frank-Walter Steinmeier delivered the political keynote speech at the conclusion of this year's M100 Sanssouci Colloquium in Potsdam. Following the keynote speech, the M100 Media Award was presented to the French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo. The award was accepted from the editor-in-chief of the magazine, Gérard Biard. The writer and defence lawyer Ferdinand von Schirach delivered the laudatory speech.
6. Alfred Herrhausen Society conference “Denk ich an Deutschland …”
On the last day, all participants of the M100 YEJ were invited to attend the conference of the Alfred Herrhausen Society in conjunction with the FAZ in Berlin: ‘Denk ich an Deutschland’ (‘When I think of Germany…’). There the young journalists met again a lot of the senior editors from the M100 Sanssouci Colloquium and could follow keynote speeches of the German historican Heinrich August Winkler, German Defence Minister Ursula von der Leyen, Jackson Janes (Johns Hopkins University), and Martin Schulz, President of the European Parliament, amongst others..
The M100 Young European Journalists Workshop is an initiative of the city of Potsdam and Potsdam Media International e.V. In 2015 it was supported by the Federal Foreign Office and the National Endowment for Democracy. It was sponsored by Google and took place in co-operation with the Media Innovation Centre and the European Youth Press.
*The summary has been co-written by Isabel Gahren, Olha Novikova, Catalina Russu, Stanislav Sokolov, Mariam Gogishvili, Mari Gasparyan, Cristina Gurez, Olha Konsevych, Tako Svanidze, Olesya Yaremchuk, and Sophie Schriever.
Application Call 2015
Call for Application for young journalists from the Eastern Partnership countries!
“JOURNALISM BETWEEN POLITICS, PROPAGANDA AND PRISON”
12 to 18 September 2015, Potsdam, Germany
The prominent role played by propaganda in the political-military conflict between Russia and the Ukraine has become increasingly clear. “In the war of words, Ukraine has become the battlefield. Russian propaganda is Putin’s sharpest weapon,” writes DIE ZEIT. American historian Timothy Snyder has described how – and how dramatically – Russian propaganda has distorted the world’s picture of Ukraine, and what role the media has played in this regard. This year’s M100 Young European Journalists Workshop, encompassing all the countries of the Eastern Partnership but with a particular focus on Ukraine, will examine the use of propaganda instruments and the manipulation and intimidation of journalists, along with the associated effects on the reputation of the media, the population at large, and relationships between the individual countries.
Held in cooperation with the Federal Foreign Ministry, the workshop invites young journalists between 18 and 26 years from the Eastern Partnership countries Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Belarus, Armenia and Azerbaijan as well as Germany. The event will offer a six-day intensive workshop led by expert subject-area trainers. Participants will be taught how propaganda works and what its objectives are, how it can be recognised, how to verify information (including within social networks), and how as journalists they can defend themselves against propaganda, co-optation, and manipulation by governments and lobbyists. Participants will also share their own experiences, discussing threats and influences they are exposed to in their own work, and the way that propaganda functions or is deployed in their own countries.
Participants will be required to work in teams to accomplish specific tasks, thus gaining new insights from one another. This lays a foundation for their further work, and for the strengthening of free, independent journalism in these countries, in turn heightening awareness of the importance of a free press for these countries’ populations and their further democratisation. Not least, participation in the M100 Sanssouci Colloquium, which will be attended by 50 to 60 senior editors, academics, bloggers, and politicians from Europe and the USA on 17 September 2015. The subject of ‘70 Years Potsdam Agreement: At a new crossroads?’ will be discussed in three sessions to create a constructive, intersectoral dialogue between the participants on the heritage of the Potsdam Agreement and the prospects for a liberal democratic Europe in an increasingly blurred world order.
Conditions of participation:
Young journalists between 18 and 26 years old from Eastern Partnership countries Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Belarus, Armenia and Azerbaijan as well as Germany can apply by submitting a text in English (5.000 characters, including spaces maximum) and the following task:
"Journalism between Politics, Propaganda and Prison in my country". Describe your knowledge and own experiences with this issue in your journalistic work, if situation has changed in the last years, if and how media and journalists are controlled or threatened and how they deal with this situation.
Please include a brief CV (with a photo) and motivational statement in your application, stating your reasons for applying for this particular workshop (both in English). 20 to 25 participants will be selected from among the applicants and invited to Potsdam from 12 September (arrival) to 19 September 2015 (departure). The organisers of the M100 Young European Journalists Workshop will cover accommodation and board during the workshop. A travel allowance is provided. The workshop will be held in English.
Please send your application in by 29 June 2015 to Ms Sabine Sasse, sThis email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..
The workshop is an initiative of the City of Potsdam and Potsdam Media International e.V. and supported by the Federal Foreign Office, and takes place in cooperation with the European Youth Press, JanukovychLeaks, and the Ukraine Crisis Media Center.
Catalina Russu
JOURNALISM BETWEEN POLITICS, PROPAGANDA AND PRISON IN MY COUNTRY MOLDOVA
Catalina Russu from Moldova, 22, is working at the National News Agency Moldpress. She is also studying Management of Media Production at the State University of Moldova.
Imagine a child which was born in a divorced family. One of the parents tries to “buy” the child by spoiling him with gifts, attention and promises and the other one tries to catch the child by threatening him with cutting all the money, not offering financial support for vital needs etc.
Well, this child is also my country, Republic Moldova, which is continuously pulled in two different directions: the European Union, which keeps feeding us with promises of a better future and the Russian Federation, which threatens us with gas ceasing, embargoes, and potential war in the unrecognized territory of Transnistria.
The Republic of Moldova is too small and poor in order to have a free, equidistant, and objective media. The Moldovan press has lost 10 positions in the ranking of press freedom worldwide, according to the annual report conducted by the NGO “Freedom House”. The report says that media in our country is "partly free", and it takes the 122nd position of 199 countries included.
Moldova is the country `of all possibilities`, and by this I mean: a prime-minister is appointed and the second day the media discovers his university diploma is fake, a billion of euros has been stolen from banks, and nobody has been punished or dismissed for that, several ex-ministers have been convicted, and all of them escaped from the country, the biggest suspect in the bank robbery, Ilan Shor, instead of being prosecuted, is elected as the mayor of one of our country’s main cities and so on.
Moldova is indirectly controlled right now by two politicians who plead for European Union on the screens, but make an alliance with the Communist Party in order to elect the govern. These two men also control the media in our country. For example, on the 5th of April, 3rd of May and 7th of June, a non-political platform “Dignity and Truth” organized protests in the National Square against the government, General Prosecution, National Bank Governor, National Anticorruption Center, main political leaders from the country etc.
Only a few Televisions showed the real number of protesters and the real purpose of the strike. Most of the televisions, which are controlled by the leaders of the two main political parties (Liberal-Democratic Party and Democratic Party), said the number of protesters was 7000 (when in real there were over 50.000) and that they gathered in order to plead for the European Union (nothing about the robbery and negative demands).
I, myself, have been in this situation since the first day I started working. Being a reporter at the National News Agency can be a challenging thing sometimes. That is because, on one hand, you want to reflect the truth and dig into the problem more, on the other hand you should write nothing that would discredit the current government.
Moreover, one of my colleagues who works in a TV controlled by the Democratic Party has been sanctioned with 50% of her salary, she emphasized another political leader than the one of the democratic party.
On the 20th of June 2014, a journalist from the online news portal “deschide.md” (open.md), which revealed a couple of injuries committed by the minister of intern affairs, has been arrested in a case “manufactured” by police.
One of the cops called the journalist and proposed a compromise on a singer from our country (the cops invented that the singer has beaten a child after one of his concerts) in order to write a sensational news about it. The journalist meets the cop and in the same moment he is being arrested “for blackmailing the policeman”. It sounds stupid, but it happened indeed. After three days, the journalist has been set free.
Making a parallel between the media during the communist government (2001-2009) and the democratic government (2009-2015), I cannot stress many differences, because the key word for both is censorship. During the “communist era”, there was more propaganda, because the news only reflected the good things from the country, creating to people the impression that our state is a problem-less one.
With this government, the propaganda was replaced with manipulation. There is only one good thing: the growth of internet media, which can be hardly controlled by the government. People who get access to internet can be informed from various media sources and choose the most appropriate one.
As for Ukraine, the Russian propaganda was very low reflected on the screens. Moreover, two journalists from Russia where not allowed this April to enter Moldova, so they couldn’t promote their movie with their specific version of what happened to Crimea.
Despite everything said above, the pluralism of media does exist in my country, which is an essential pre-condition of democracy. In order to really have a free media, everything should start from changing the Moldovans’ mentality and sanction our government through more strikes, and demands for truth. I guess we are too quiet and humble…

Young European Journalists 2015
JOURNALISM BETWEEN POLITICS, PROPAGANDA AND PRISON
12 to 18 September 2015, Potsdam, Germany
Since 2009, the European Union has maintained political, economic, and social relations with the countries of the Eastern Partnership – Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Belarus, Armenia and Azerbaijan – with the goal of promoting and further expanding these relationships. However, none of these countries can today be described as flawless democracies. Most of them are authoritarian regimes, in which democratic structures serve largely as a facade. Media conditions in these countries reflect this situation; instead of free media independent of state influence, there are pseudo-free media organisations that are in reality directed by the state, and which try to manipulate the population on behalf of their governments’ interests. In addition, there are institutions that appear from the outside to be independent (so-called GONGOs, or government-operated non-governmental organisations), which try – often successfully – to disguise the authoritarian policies in their countries and present them in a better light.
The situation in the Ukraine is somewhat different. The prominent role played by propaganda in the political-military conflict between Russia and the Ukraine has become increasingly clear. “In the war of words, Ukraine has become the battlefield. Russian propaganda is Putin’s sharpest weapon,” writes DIE ZEIT. American historian Timothy Snyder has described how – and how dramatically – Russian propaganda has distorted the world’s picture of Ukraine, and what role the media has played in this regard. But on the Ukrainian side too, the events in Ukraine, Russia, and Crimea are filtered through propaganda with an anti-Russian, pro-Western viewpoint.
For journalists from these nations who want to avoid producing propaganda or serving as a government mouthpiece, work in their home countries is difficult. The information environment is generally far from transparent, with propaganda difficult to distinguish from genuine news. Opportunities for training and career growth are modest, and the degree of repression and threat is high.
Project goal
The M100 Young European Journalists Workshop 2015, encompassing all the countries of the Eastern Partnership but with a particular focus on Ukraine, examines the use of propaganda instruments and the manipulation and intimidation of journalists, as well as the effects on the reputation of the media, on the population at large, and on the relationships between the countries. The goal is to teach participants (a total of 25 from the above-noted countries as well as Germany, all between the ages of 18 and 26, please find the application call here) how propaganda functions and what its objectives are, how it can be recognised, how to verify information (including within social networks), and how as journalists they can defend themselves against propaganda, co-optation and manipulation by governments and lobbyists. Participants will also share their own experiences, discussing threats and influences they may be exposed to in their own work, and the way that propaganda functions and is deployed in their own countries. The workshop is taught by the political scientist, journalist and Co-Director of the Institute of Media and Communications Policy, Dr. Leonard Novy, and the journalist, author and award winning film maker Christian Stahl.
The project strengthens networks between these countries’ civil societies by bringing together young journalists to exchange experiences and be trained in the processes of democracy, press freedom, the freedom of speech, and the craft of journalism.
The M100 Young European Journaliusts Workshop is an initiative of the city of Potsdam and Potsdam Media International e.V.. It is supported by the Federal Foreign Office and takes place in co-operation with the European Youth Press, YanukovychLeaks and the Ukraine Crisis Media Center.
Stanislav Sokolov
JOURNALISM BETWEEN POLITICS, PROPAGANDA AND PRISON IN MY COUNTRY UKRAINE
Stanislav Sokolov from Ukraine, 23, is a senior news editor and a columnist at Novoye Vremnya (nv.ua), covering a wide range of topics focusing on politics and business and keeping track of science and IT spheres.
The first time I met censorship was the first day of the Ukrainian revolution — a few days earlier the news website I worked for at that moment, Korrespondent.net, was bought by a tycoon, closed to the President Victor Yanukovych and his family. The night in November 2013, when people first gathered at Maidan in Kyiv in order to protest was the night when our editorial was no longer free to publish news on its own — a team of censors was introduced that banned any information on the protest. The following day I quit.
Immediately I joined the start-up team of a new website, launching a 24/7 news feed on the
Maidan protests with no censorship – the website’s audience skyrocketed from few hundreds in the first days to millions in December. That was the time when I understood the value and importance of journalism for the society, especially – for the transforming one, a new-born democracy such as Ukraine.
Nevertheless, the victory of the protest could not possibly solve Ukrainian problems like weaving a magic wand, whereas the situation in the media field got out of the frying-pan into the fire. Old developmental diseases - dependence on oligarchs, yellow journalism, jumping to weak conclusions and frequent inability to draw a broader picture – became more acute with massive Russian charm offensive. As war events has shown, journalists are as vulnerable to propagandist hysteria and mythological consciousness as ordinary citizens are.
Ukraine shows an interesting case of quasi-freedom of speech. Legally the media is almost free - especially comparing to so-called dictatorship laws that were adopted during the last days of Yanukovych regime. Nevertheless, talking about really influential media, in national TV channels or popular websites one can hardly notice professional journalism.
TV is totally dependent on the will of their owners - tycoons with distinct political goals and unclear capital sources.
Revolution may have taken political pressure off the agenda - but the following economic crisis put it back - in other forms. Fearing to lose their jobs, source of income, people still work for editions controlled by the fugitive tycoon Serhiy Kurchenko (UMH) or Kremlin-influenced Vesti (daily free newspaper). These ideas show an interesting phenomenon within Ukrainian journalism - self-censorship, which emerged during 1990s and got new power during Yanukovych regime. The matter is that journalists edit their materials, plans and thoughts according to the general concern: someone powerful mightnot like it hence it is not worth writing.
The fall of the semi-authoritarian regime also diminished the fear of imprisonment. Nevertheless, the really dangerous prisons are the ones growing within journalistic minds. National revolutionary events led to skyrocketing patriotic feelings that sometimes resemble patriotic hysteria.
Media people as well suffer from inability to separate their professional ethics from their citizen one. The pressure on media field is especially seen in social networks – editions that allow critical comments, headlines towards pro-Ukrainian events or movements, giving space for the remarks opposing dominant views - are mocked at, criticized and insulted.
Russian charm offensives led to the constant suspicion that everything might be inspired by the Kremlin or its minions. The average reader severely lacks critical thinking - as well as the average journalist.
Ukrainian media proved to be a collective failure during the first Russian propaganda onset - Western audience at first had no other points of view apart from Moscow-fed news storm-troopers. One of the few responses was the Stopfake project - but that is still a drop in the ocean. As my experience in online-journalism shows - people tend to be lazy and vulnerable to “bright” headlines. Deficit of time, complicated work conditions, bad management, lack of experience and indolence prevent journalists from proper fact-checking and attempts to dig deeper.
Journalism in Ukraine has somewhat merged with citizen activism - blurring boundaries between facts and opinions, actual situations and ideal ones within the media field.
Professional editors strive to fight such trends but popular media uses that fact in order to manipulate the readers’ affections, using blatant headlines that distort reality but are like-able and “share-able” since online media seeks traffic in order to earn.
The walls of Ukrainian police-state-to-be have fallen but the mind enclosures remained the same. Journalists in Ukraine need to be enlightened - the chains of previous experiences are to be broken, blinders to be taken off. Media in the country now has capacities to turn into real “fourth power” - or remain to be enslaved. Knowledge is key to such power - and in the present Ukrainian case knowledge is professionalism, which is yet to be reached.










